War in Ukraine - part 2/2
- titanja1504
- Jan 31, 2023
- 4 min read
Updated: Jun 16, 2023
IS A REFUGEE NOT THE SAME AS A REFUGEE?
(DE) In April 2022, more than 4 million people fled from Ukraine, 2.5 of whom were in Poland. In Germany, at that time, there were more than 310,000, and in August 2022, there were about 910,000 documented arrivals.
More facts, figures and background reports on the situation of Ukrainian refugees can be found on the Media Service Integration Service Platform for Journalists.
I worked in a college that had a partner school in Kyiv. Therefore, in this crisis, colleagues activated personal contacts, and I experienced firsthand how the official side deals with refugee colleagues in Germany.
Immediate integration of Ukrainian refugees
The legal situation for refugees from Ukraine is rather generous, even though Ukraine is not a member of the EU.
Refugees from Ukraine can freely choose their place of residence and move around the Schengen area without any visa requirement. Ukrainians automatically have permission to work. Those with no assets and who cannot get a job are entitled to social benefits that ensure their livelihood.
Facts and background information can be found on the Deutsche Welle website of 4.3.2022. https://www.dw.com/de/asyl-welche-regeln-und-leistungen-gelten-f%C3%BCr-ukraine-fl%C3%BCchtlinge/a-60961795
Female Ukrainian friends reported that at the border, they immediately received a free SIM card for their mobile phone so that they could make phone calls to Ukraine.
In addition, public transport, including trains, was also free of charge for Ukrainians who had fled.
A quarter of Ukrainian refugees in Germany are staying with friends and relatives.
In schools, “welcome classes” are set up for schoolchildren and integration schemes for kindergartens.
Asylum seekers or refugees from other countries can only dream of such support, as I know from my voluntary work. No work permit, living in shelters, no freedom of movement between the federal states of Germany or even Europe…!
There is no Dublin Agreement for Ukrainians sending refugees back to where they first set foot on European soil, which in this case would be Poland and Hungary.
Why are Ukrainian refugees given such preferential treatment?
What distinguishes them from other refugees from war-torn areas?
What is expected of them?
These questions remain unanswered, but I have a feeling of déjà vu!
This great willingness to help reminds me of 2015, when trains full of refugees from Syria arrived at Munich’s Central Station and were greeted by applauding Germans; when then the Chancellor Angela Merkel said encouragingly:
“We can do it!”
I have seen how do-gooders cared for refugee families with remarkable commitment, only to turn away from them in disappointment and frustration after some time. The gratitude of those cared for was limited, the level of mutual demands rose steadily, and the cultural differences were too significant in the long run.
The right-wing parties, such as the AfD (Alternative for Germany), with their agitation against foreigners, gained popularity and became a political force.
Does anyone believe that this will not happen with the Ukrainian refugees?
The Süddeutsche Zeitung also recalls the situation in 2015, when many volunteers took care of Syrian refugees but were soon overwhelmed. It, therefore, points out the limits of generosity.
https://www.sueddeutsche.de/meinung/ukraine-deutschland-fluechtlinge-bund-laender-treffen-grundsicherung-1.5563478, 8 April 2022.
There are hardly any cultural differences between my former Ukrainian colleagues and us, the German teachers. But other Ukrainians are more nationalistic than is bearable for us Germans. This ranges from an exclusionary pathetically expressed national pride to aggressive bullying of black people and Muslims.
It is also no coincidence that the Ukrainian Consul General, Iryna Tybinka, rejects teaching Ukrainian children in German integration classes. She told the Conference of Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs that integration classes would put Ukrainian children under psychological strain, that teaching in Ukraine is stricter and that the content in German schools is too Russia-friendly.
In fact, Ukrainian schools are better equipped with digitalisation than German schools; presumably, Ukrainian lessons via the internet would not be a problem for most pupils.
But the other arguments hint at ideological differences that are not so obvious to the Germans.
In public opinion, politics and the media, it is said that European values and democracy must be defended in Ukraine. I am curious to see what happens when differences and disagreements become visible and tangible.
An Inadequate Promise by the President of the EU Commission
At the beginning of April 2022, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen visited the Ukrainian President in Kyiv and, with an expression signalling consternation, promised a quick decision on Ukraine’s admission to the EU. A refusal is unthinkable at this point.
So I fear the decision has already been made.
Ukraine’s entry into the EU would massively increase the influence of Eastern Europeans. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, questionable in terms of their true sense of democracy, would have a strong ally.
And no one really knows whether Ukraine’s rule of law and democracy is as stable and deeply rooted as it is said now.
Before the war, no one cared about Ukrainian issues.
That could be a rude awakening.
Perhaps this is what German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock (Greens) had in mind when, four weeks after Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s pledge of concern, she put Ukraine’s process of EU membership into perspective.
At a press conference in Kyiv, she announced there would be no shortcut for Ukraine on the way to full EU membership. However, Ukraine is an integral part of Europe.
Whatever that may mean, it seems that German politicians’ assurances of solidarity and affection are due more to pressure from the media and some fellow politicians than to inner conviction. (TA)
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War in Ukraine - part 2/2
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